C. Peter Ripley, editor ; co-editors, Roy E. Finkenbine, Michael F. Hembree, Donald Yacovone.
ISBN
0807820725 (cloth : alk. paper)
0807844047 (pbk. : alk. paper)
Place of Publication
Chapel Hill
Publisher
University of North Carolina Press,
Date of Publication
c1993.
Physical Description
xxiv, 306 p. : ill. ; 25 cm.
Notes
Chapter 37 is titled: William Whipper's letters.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [279]-289) and index.
Contents
The rise of black abolitionism : the colonization controversy; the growth of black abolitionism; the rise of immediatism; moral reform; prejudice; two abolitionisms -- African Americans and the antislavery movement : blacks as advocates; slave narratives; black women abolitionists; antislavery and the black community; problems in the movement -- Black independence : a new direction; the African American press; in the common defense; antislavery politics; black antislavery tactics; by all just and necessary means -- Black abolitionists and the national crisis : the slave power; the fugitive slave law; black emigration; black nationality; blacks and John Brown -- Civil war : debating the war; the emancipation proclamation; blacks and Lincoln; the black military experience; the movement goes south; reconstruction.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 205-240) and index.
Contents
1. Constitutionalism, Capitalism, and Antebellum Society -- 2. Constitutionalism and the Associational Economy -- 3. Taxation and Capitalist Accountability -- 4. Taking Property -- 5. Railroad Accidents and Capitalist Accountability.
Summary
Throughout much of American history the relationship between the Constitution and capitalism has been contentious. Recently, however, consensus has replaced conflict as the framework for understanding capitalism's relationship to constitutional development. Thus the recurrent struggles between producers and capitalists (financiers, speculators, corporations, and the like) over the constitutionality of capitalistic practices have come to be viewed simply as politically manageable tensions within a liberal-capitalist consensus. This study focuses on how antebellum constitutional law and principles responded to and shaped producers' appeals for protection from capitalists' predations. Placing the constitutional system's operation in the context of the nation's profound ideological and social conflicts, Tony A. Freyer suggests that the normative force of constitutional values often enabled pro-producer, protectionist policies to be enacted, despite an emerging corporate and mercantile capitalist consensus. The first chapter sets out a framework for understanding the social basis of constitutionalism and its policymaking impact between 1800 and 1860. Subsequent chapters employ this framework in the setting of the mid-Atlantic states of Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. They focus on four principal policy areas: debtor-creditor relations, taxation, eminent domain, and railroad accidents. This mid-Atlantic region is intended to serve as a federal system in miniature, offering opportunities for comparative analysis. By illuminating the interplay between social conflict and constitutional institutions, the book reveals a policy-making process which was dynamic, reflecting a multiplicity of values and supporting diverse producer interests, many of which conflicted with those of corporate and mercantile capitalists. Freyer challenges established historical interpretations not only of social-class conflict but also of the Supreme Court under chief justices John Marshall and Roger B. Taney, with particular regard to states' rights versus federal power and the growth of the Constitution's contract, commerce, and judicial clauses. Thus the book will be of interest not only to political scientists and to judges, lawyers, and professors of law but also to historians and general readers.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 287-310) and index.
Summary
Although the United States has always portrayed itself as a sanctuary for the world's victim's of poverty and oppression, anti-immigrant movements have enjoyed remarkable success throughout American history. None attained greater prominence than the Order of the Star Spangled Banner, a fraternal order referred to most commonly as the Know Nothing party. Vowing to reduce the political influence of immigrants and Catholics, the Know Nothings burst onto the American political scene in 1854, and by the end of the following year they had elected eight governors, more than one hundred congressmen, and thousands of other local officials including the mayors of Boston, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Chicago. After their initial successes, the Know Nothings attempted to increase their appeal by converting their network of lodges into a conventional political organization, which they christened the "American Party." Recently, historians have pointed to the Know Nothings' success as evidence that ethnic and religious issues mattered more to nineteenth-century voters than better-known national issues such as slavery. In this important book, however, Anbinder argues that the Know Nothings' phenomenal success was inextricably linked to the firm stance their northern members took against the extension of slavery. Most Know Nothings, he asserts, saw slavery and Catholicism as interconnected evils that should be fought in tandem. Although the Know Nothings certainly were bigots, their party provided an early outlet for the anti-slavery sentiment that eventually led to the Civil War. Anbinder's study presents the first comprehensive history of America's most successful anti-immigrant movement, as well as a major reinterpretation of the political crisis that led to the Civil War.
"Published in cooperation with the Center for American Places, Harrisonburg, Virginia"--T.p. verso.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [471]-478) and index.
Contents
1. Brethren Beginnings -- Pt. I. An Overview of Traditional Dunker Culture, 1708-1850s. 2. The Faith Once Delivered to the Saints. 3. Dunker Rituals and Relationships. 4. Practicing the Primitive Faith -- Pt. II. Pathways beyond Plainness. 5. Expansion and Dissent, 1850-1883. 6. Missionary Mobilization, 1880s-1900s. 7. Missionary Manners, 1880s-1900s. 8. Preserving the Primitive Order, 1880s-1910s. 9. Separation Under Siege, 1905-1917. 10. Purging the Past, 1890s-1920s. 11. Unity Unraveled, 1911-1930s. 12. Altered Authorities, 1920s-1950s -- Pt. III. Analysis: The Binding and Loosing of Brethren Culture. 13. Brethren Moral Dynamics: A Historical Overview. 14. Brethren Cultural Transformation. 15. Pluralism, Particularism, and Purpose -- App. A: A Chronology of Change -- App. B: Personal interviews.
Summary
Carl Bowman examines how and why members of the Church of the Brethren - historically known as "Dunkers" after their method of baptism - were assimilated faster and earlier than their Amish, Mennonite, or even Hutterite cousins. Brethren Society brings to light the members' own conversations and debates on a series of pivotal controversies. Bowman shows how Brethren dealt with issues such as membership in "outside" organizations; the salaried ministry; acceptance of revivalistic styles of worship and music; particitation in the American political process; military service; the holy kiss; the temperance movement; and the "plain garb."
edited, with a new introduction, by Peter Stockham.
ISBN
0486272931 (pbk.)
9780486272931 (pbk.)
Edition
Dover ed.
Place of Publication
New York
Publisher
Dover Publication,
Date of Publication
1992.
Physical Description
137 p. : ill. ; 16 cm.
Notes
"Unabridged republication of part III of the work as published by Jacob Johnson in Whitehall (Philadelphia) and Richmond in 1807 under the title: The book of trades, or Library of the useful arts."
