Includes bibliographical references (p. 287-310) and index.
Summary
Although the United States has always portrayed itself as a sanctuary for the world's victim's of poverty and oppression, anti-immigrant movements have enjoyed remarkable success throughout American history. None attained greater prominence than the Order of the Star Spangled Banner, a fraternal order referred to most commonly as the Know Nothing party. Vowing to reduce the political influence of immigrants and Catholics, the Know Nothings burst onto the American political scene in 1854, and by the end of the following year they had elected eight governors, more than one hundred congressmen, and thousands of other local officials including the mayors of Boston, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Chicago. After their initial successes, the Know Nothings attempted to increase their appeal by converting their network of lodges into a conventional political organization, which they christened the "American Party." Recently, historians have pointed to the Know Nothings' success as evidence that ethnic and religious issues mattered more to nineteenth-century voters than better-known national issues such as slavery. In this important book, however, Anbinder argues that the Know Nothings' phenomenal success was inextricably linked to the firm stance their northern members took against the extension of slavery. Most Know Nothings, he asserts, saw slavery and Catholicism as interconnected evils that should be fought in tandem. Although the Know Nothings certainly were bigots, their party provided an early outlet for the anti-slavery sentiment that eventually led to the Civil War. Anbinder's study presents the first comprehensive history of America's most successful anti-immigrant movement, as well as a major reinterpretation of the political crisis that led to the Civil War.
The ladies of the White House, or, In the home of the presidents : being a complete history of the social and domestic lives of the presidents from Washington to the present time
Originally published: London : Pearson Education, 2003.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [327]-360) and index.
Contents
1. Inner power : Lincoln's ambition and political vision, 1809-54 -- Ambition -- Political vision -- Moral crisis : 1854 -- The religious roots of moral power -- 2. The power of opinion : Lincoln : the Illinois public and the new political order, 1854-58 -- Lincoln, democratic politics and public opinion -- Illinois public opinion and the anti-Nebraska fusion movement -- The senatorial campaign of 1858 -- 3. The power of party : winning the presidency, 1858-60 -- Presidential ambition : Lincoln, his party and the road to the Decatur convention -- The Republican presidential nomination -- The 1860 presidential campaign : the power of a righteous party -- 4. Confronting the limits of power : from president-elect to war president, 1860-61 -- In the antechamber to power : holding the party line -- From Springfield to Sumter : building a united front -- Strategies for 'a people's war' -- 'What shall I do? The people are impatient ... ' -- 5. The purposes of power : evolving objectives, 1861-65 -- Reading the public -- 'Every indispensable means' : toward the Emancipation Proclamation -- Faith and purposes -- Faithfulness of purpose : emancipation, reconstruction and black citizenship -- 6. The instruments of power : coercion and voluntary mobilization, 1861-65 -- Coercion, repression and executive power -- Popular mobilization : the 'power of the right word' and the agency of party -- Popular mobilization : churches and philanthropic organizations -- The Union army as a moral force -- The election of 1864 : 'the second birth of our nation' -- 7. Conclusion : power in death -- Chronology of Lincoln's life.
Summary
A portrait of America's sixteenth president follows Lincoln's life and career during his rise to political power and his years in the White House, arguing that he looked beyond the political system to find support in his struggle to end slavery.
Journal of the Senate of the United States of America; : being the second session of the Second Congress, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, November 5th, 1792, and in the seventeenth year of the sovereignty of the said United States
Second Congress, 2nd Session: from 5 November 1792 to 2 March 1793.
Speech of President Washington to Congress, Nov. 6, 1792: p. 5-9.
Signed on p. 89: Samuel A. Otis, secretary [of the Senate].
Signatures: [A]² B-2B².
Appendix: Titles of the acts passed at the second session of the Second Congress of the United States, begun and held at Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, on Monday the 5th day of November 1792. -- Bills originated during the session, but were either rejected or postponed. -- The classes of the Senators of the United States, on the 4th day of March 1793.
Van Wyck served as a Civil War Union Brigadier General, US Congressman, US Senator. He was the Sullivan County, New York, District Attorney 1850 to 1856 and was elected as a Republican to the Thirty-sixth and Thirty-seventh Congresses, serving 1859 to 1863.After his term, he entered the Union Army as Colonel of the 56th Regiment, New York Volunteers and commanded it during the Civil War.He was brevetted Brigadier General for services during the war and elected to the Fortieth Congress, serving 1867 to 1869. He moved to Nebraska in 1874 and was elected as a Republican to the US Senate and served from 1881 to 1887.
Summary
This speech was made a year before the Civil War criticizing slavery and the Democrat party.
A constitutional view of the late war between the states : its causes, character, conduct and results ; presented in a series of colloquies at Liberty Hall
The 1850s saw in America the breakdown of the Jacksonian party system in the North and the emergence of a new sectional party--the Republicans--that succeeded the Whigs in the nation's two-party system. This monumental work uses demographic, voting, and other statistical analysis as well as the more traditional methods and sources of political history to trace the realignment of American politics in the 1850s and the birth of the Republican party. Gienapp powerfully demonstrates that the organization of the Republican party was a difficult, complex, and lengthy process and explains why, even after an inauspicious beginning, it ultimately became a potent political force. The study also reveals the crucial role of ethnocultural factors in the collapse of the second party system and thoroughly analyzes the struggle between nativism and antislavery for political dominance in the North. The volume concludes with the decisive triumph of the Republican party over the rival American party in the 1856 presidential election. Far-reaching in scope yet detailed in analysis, this is the definitive work on the formation of the Republican party in antebellum America. ... Publisher descri[ption.
Vol.1 has an additional titlepage with the words: "Part the fourth. Volume the first. . "; the first three parts not published? - Vols.1 and 2 have continuous pagination.
Vols. 2-5 are entitled 'Reports of cases adjudged in the Court of King's Bench, since the time of Lord Mansfield's coming to preside in it: . '.
Vol.2 bears the imprint: "Printed by His Majesty's Law-Printers; for J. Worrall and B. Tovey" and is dated 1766; vol 3 was "printed by His Majesty's Law-Printers; for Barnes Tovey, (successor to Mr John Worrall.)" and is dated 1771; vols.4 and 5 were "printed by His Majesty's Law-Printers; for Edward Brooke (successor to Mr. John Worrall and Mr. Barnes Tovey,)" and are dated 1776 and 1780 respectively.
Alta California : embracing notices of the climate, soil, and agricultural products of northern Mexico and the Pacific seaboard : also, a history of the military and naval operations of the United States directed against the territories of northern Mexico, in the year 1846-'47 : with documents declaratory of the policy of the present administration of the national government in regard to the annexation of conquered territory to this union, and the opinion of the Hon. James Buchanan on the Wilmot Proviso, &c
Description of area: p. 9-12; history and documentation: p. 13-64.
Anti-annexation tract.
Summary
The 1847 publication briefly address climate soil and agriculture in Alta and Baja California in chapter I. The following eight chapters consist of communications from the U.S. Government consisting of instructions in the event Mexico declared war, justification of and motives for war, various reports to Washington, communications with Mexican officials in Alta California, accounts of the military operations in California, the articles of capitulation entered into at Rancho of Cowanga on January 13, 1847, all of which are interspersed with personal observations and comments by the author. The final chapter deals with the question of whether slavery would be allowed in California, the policy of the South and its motive for a slave market and emigrants to California and Northern Mexico [from California State University's Digital Commons]
Speech of Hon. James H. Hammond, of South Carolina, on the admission of Kansas, under the Lecompton Constitution : delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 4, 1858
James Henry Hammond (November 15, 1807 - November 13, 1864) was an attorney, politician and planter from South Carolina. He served as a United States Representative from 1835 to 1836, the 60th Governor of South Carolina from 1842 to 1844, and United States Senator from 1857 to 1860. He was considered one of the major spokesmen in favor of slavery in the years before the American Civil War.He popularized the phrase that "Cotton is King" in his March 4, 1858, speech to the US Senate. [from Wikipedia]
Reports of the trials of Colonel Aaron Burr, (late vice president of the United States,) for treason, and for a misdemeanor, in preparing the means of a military expedition against Mexico, a territory of the King of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace. In the Circuit court of the United States, held at the city of Richmond, in the district of Virginia, in the summer term of the year 1807. To which is added, an appendix, containing the arguments and evidence in support and defence of the motion afterwards made by the counsel for the United States, to commit A. Burr, H. Blannerhassett [sic] and I. Smith to be sent for trial to the state of Kentucky, for treason or misdemeanor, alleged to be committed there
The Background -- The Rise of the Radicals (1776-1778) -- Triumph of Radicalism (1778-1780) -- The Conservatives Emerge (1780-1782) -- Conservatives Ride to Power (1782-1784) -- Counter-Revolution Halter(1783-1786) -- Triumph of the Counter-Revolution (1786-1790).
Summary
From the Preface: "Only with the detailed story of the struggle between radical and conservative forces in each state can one gain a more complete understanding of the history of the Revolution and the Confederation."
Something in that Declaration -- The Republican revolution: Pennsylvania picks Lincoln -- Mobilizing for war -- We will die in defense of our right to liberty: the Civil War on Pennsylvania's border -- Combating the threat without and within -- Pennsylvania and the second American Revolution -- A day long to be remembered.
Summary
This book takes you to and beyond the battlefield at Gettysburg, to cities and towns throughout the state where Pennsylvanians fought over the meaning of the Union even as they fought for it. By the time the Civil War began in 1861, white and black Pennsylvanians along the state's southern border-in towns like Sadsbury, Coatesville, and Christiana-had been fighting with slave owners and catchers for a decade. And, more than a year after Lee's Army of Northern Virginia left southcentral Pennsylvania, the town of Chambersburg survived another, even more devastating Confederate invasion. For much longer than four years, Pennsylvanians waged war at home and abroad, to save the Union and to rethink its founding principles. Keystone State in Crisis tells that story. [from the publisher]
